It wasn't going to last. Just a couple of weeks after UKIP was riding high on a wave of sympathy, following the removal of a child from a UKIP voting couple, they have come crashing to the ground because of one Geoffrey Clark, who thinks we should bring in compulsory abortion for Down's Syndrome and spina bifida to reduce the national debt. He also thinks that free euthanasia advice should be offered to over-80's. UKIP tried to back him at first and then ditched him, in the face of shocked protests from Mencap and the media in general. Someone in Labour or Conservative HQ will be watching in silent satisfaction at this mess - I have no doubt that since UKIP's resurgence, the party nerds will have been trawling UKIP websites looking for someone foolish enough to catch out in this fashion. And Geoffrey Clark has been well and truly caught.
On the surface, I agree with that shock and indigation at his views. It's especially depressing after a wonderful summer of the Paralympics that we're back to auld claes and porridge as far as the disabled are concerned. Another part of me is feeling profoundly uncomfortable with the whole scenario.
It's this. The abortion rate for DS in the UK is round about 92%. Apart from the fact that this means that Geoffrey Clark's master plan to reduce the national debt would be a failure, it also means that the only difference between Geoffrey Clark's views and the general public's, is compulsion. It is not Geoffrey Clark's values that are really being questioned; it is the fact that he would make a common choice, mandatory.
What is the actual choice for someone carrying a child with DS? There's abortion. Or, if they choose to have the child, years of fighting with the state for help and support. A piss poor amount of money going into research for the condition and bleak employment prospects. A choice has been made, but it's been made by our society, not by the parent of the child. The choice that they are offered, is in reality, just short of compulsion.
Again, take the dismantling of the NHS. On what pretext was that done? Why, choice. The right to choose a GP, a hospital, a private provider. In reality the government has chosen to bomb the NHS and we will shortly have to chose which health care insurer that we are going with, because it shure ain't going to be the government. And don't expect your National Insurance contributions to go down correspondingly.
Chesterton once said, ' To
admire mere choice is to refuse to choose'. In saying this he identified what has become a growing phenomenon; the idea that choice trumps all. It's a good tactic for shutting down debate by branding those who question the values behind a choice as intolerant, and it's a good tool in government for shunting people in a direction they might not otherwise take, by portraying it as a choice.
I do not disagree with those who slam Geoffrey Clark on mandatory abortion. I am just so disappointed that the debate went no further. So much went unsaid this week, and an opportunity was missed to examine our own values with regard to those with DS. If we had done, maybe we would have realised how shockingly close our own views are to his. And maybe we would have made an informed, responsible choice to turn away from them.
Wednesday, 19 December 2012
Wednesday, 21 November 2012
Says it All, Really
I came across this picture of a poignant message left on a lamppost at the NHS protests from March.
Says it all, really.
Says it all, really.
Tuesday, 13 November 2012
The Child Exploitation Debate in the Commons - John Hemming's Speech
Here is some of John Hemming's speech from the Child Exploitation debate in Parliament today. For the full debate, click here.
As at 31 March 2011,
160 girls in care had had their first child before the age of 16 and 120
had had their first child at the age of 16. So what happens? We know
that the girls at Duncroft school were punished for complaining about
Jimmy Savile. If a child in the power of the local authority wishes to
complain about their treatment, they have to complain to an employee of
the local authority or someone funded by the local authority. Where is
the independence in that? The lack of independence in the complaints
system is why many cases of abuse are not picked up until the children
subject to the abuse become adults—not necessarily at age 18 but when
they get the required confidence aged 25, 30 or later. Very rarely, a
Gillick-competent child in his or her mid-teens may make contact with
one of the very rare solicitors who are willing to take on the local
authority, but usually nothing happens at least until the children are
adults.
One of the worst examples of a cover up
comes from Jersey. Children in Jersey had the chief of police, Graham
Power, and the health Minister, Stuart Syvret, to protect their
interests. However, in 2008, as soon as action was taken to investigate
historical abuse, the health Minister was sacked and the chief of police
suspended. What hope did those children have? It is now roughly the
fourth anniversary of the sacking of Jersey’s chief of police, Graham
Power, and he has put out a statement to coincide with it. I will not
read it all because time is limited, but this is part of what he says:
“I
would however simply for the record, remind readers what has been
established from a number of credible and independent sources and
disclosures. Namely, that my suspension was based on falsified
documents, fabricated evidence, misleading information provided to
States Members and the public by Jersey Ministers, and the testimony of a
number of senior individuals who have since been publicly discredited.
The
events relating to Jimmy Saville and other revelations have heightened
the general awareness of the issue of Historic Child Abuse, and the
substantial difficulties which stand in the way of those who attempt to
bring abusers to justice.”
This cover-up has
been continued by the UK Border Agency, which assisted Jersey in
avoiding scrutiny by banning a US journalist, Leah McGrath Goodman, from
Jersey. She is now applying again for a visa, and I hope that the
Minister will expedite it.
Teresa Cooper, who
says that she was held down by six members of staff and injected with
drugs while at Kendall House at the age of 14 and that she was also
sexually assaulted in a drugged state, is continuing at the age of 45 to
battle to get the evidence to find out why the Government did not act
to stop that. We have a duty to provide her and other survivors with the
records they ask for.
There have also been
numerous police operations, including Operation Rose in Northumbria,
Operation Care in Liverpool, Operation Aldgate and Operation Gullane in
Yorkshire, Operation Goldfinch and Operation Flight in south Wales, and
Operation Camassia in Birmingham. Frequently, such operations do not get
to the bottom of the issues. A few, such as that in Kincora, managed to
make the link between the abuse and people external to the institution.
We need to empower the survivors by providing them with the information
to argue their cases. Perhaps we can then also consider the question of
who turned a blind eye.
It is often easier to
see that there is a cover-up than to get to the truth. For example, if
people listen to last Friday’s interview with Stuart Syvret on BBC Radio
Jersey—it will be available on iPlayer for a few days—they will hear
how the BBC is acting as a tool of the establishment by trying to
prevent him from arguing his case. Mike Stein, in his excellent article
in Child and Family Social Work in February 2006, explains how
widespread this problem was, with a possible one in seven of children in
care being subject to abuse. Australia has implemented an all-embracing
inquiry, which is a good idea, although the details are complex. I
believe, however, that the priority should be to empower the survivors.
We
also need to act urgently to find out what is happening to children in
the care system today. In the year to 31 March 2011—I do not have the
later figures—according to the SSDA903 return, 430 children aged one to
four, 350 children aged five to nine and 630 children aged 10 to 15 left
care for “other reasons”. These are the children who have left care and
we do not know what has happened to them. Have they been trafficked,
have they been abducted or have they run away to live on the streets
because they were unhappy in the control of the state?
The
statistical system used in the USA is called AFCARS—the Adoption and
Foster Care Analysis and Reporting System— and records when children run
away, but our Government do not bother. Clearly, they do not care
sufficiently to ask local authorities to tell them. When I asked the
erstwhile Minister, the hon. Member for East Worthing and Shoreham (Tim
Loughton), to record such instances and change the statistical basis,
his response was that to find out nationally how many children are
trafficked from care, abducted or run away would lead to
“an unnecessary increase in reporting requirements.”—[Official Report, 13 December 2011; Vol. 537, c. 642W.]
We
need to go further. We clearly cannot trust all local authorities to
tell the whole truth about everything. We already have a system for
auditing what happens to the money. We really ought to have a system for
checking whether we are told the truth about what happens to the
children, or do the Government only care about the money and not about
the children?
The secrecy, lack of transparency
and consequent failures in accountability clearly failed children in the
past, but they are also failing children today. We need to protect the
rights of children and adults to complain and bring in greater scrutiny
of family court proceedings. It is the secrecy that arises from the
family courts that allows the system to avoid scrutiny and local
authorities to simply say, “We are acting in the best interests of the
child,” when clearly they are not."
Thursday, 8 November 2012
When is Something Going to be Done?
Came across this video on Guido Fawkes. I still can't quite believe the brazeness of it. When is something going to be done about this?
Monday, 22 October 2012
Saturday, 20 October 2012
Eton Style?
The SNP conference is on just now and some controversy was generated when Salmond referred to being run by Lord Snootys. As the above video shows, this is completely and totally unjustifed..
Thursday, 18 October 2012
John Hemming, Super-Injunctions and Jersey
I reproduce without comment, this entry from Hansard. The date of the debate is Thurs 18th Sept, just two days before the Jimmy Savile allegations came out. You can find out who Andrew Marolia is from this link.
18 Sep 2012 : Column 859
There is a country where there are allegations that crimes by powerful people are not being investigated and prosecuted. A journalist has been refused entry to stop reporting about an issue. The chief of police has been suspended to stop him investigating crimes. Bloggers are being threatened to stop them talking about people. Decisions by the state not to prosecute cannot be challenged, nor is private prosecution allowed. The country is Jersey. The journalist is Leah McGrath Goodman, who is an American. The chief of police was Graham Power. Furthermore, Andrew Marolia, David Minty, David Wherry and Jonathan Sharrock Haworth have, with the assistance of the Jersey Government, obtained a super-injunction against ex-Senator Stuart Syvret—under the Data Protection Act of all things—to prevent from him saying things about them on his blog that are true. Mr Syvret has evidence that criminal offences are being swept under the carpet, but nothing is being done.
A lay judge—known as a jurat—called John le Breton has been allowed to sit as a jurat, even though he was vice-principal of Victoria college when he wrote to the governors in support of Andrew Jervis-Dykes, who ended up getting a jail sentence. Mr le Breton was appointed to judge on a case even though he is a personal friend of a director of the defendant—this is a defamation case where the local politician, Trevor Pitman, has been taking legal action against the local newspaper. The end result in Jersey is that part of these events has been struck from the state’s version of Hansard, and the culture of cover-up continues. Jersey is an independent country, but the UK Government have a responsibility for ensuring good governance in Jersey. The UK is not doing its job properly.
18 Sep 2012 : Column 859
There is a country where there are allegations that crimes by powerful people are not being investigated and prosecuted. A journalist has been refused entry to stop reporting about an issue. The chief of police has been suspended to stop him investigating crimes. Bloggers are being threatened to stop them talking about people. Decisions by the state not to prosecute cannot be challenged, nor is private prosecution allowed. The country is Jersey. The journalist is Leah McGrath Goodman, who is an American. The chief of police was Graham Power. Furthermore, Andrew Marolia, David Minty, David Wherry and Jonathan Sharrock Haworth have, with the assistance of the Jersey Government, obtained a super-injunction against ex-Senator Stuart Syvret—under the Data Protection Act of all things—to prevent from him saying things about them on his blog that are true. Mr Syvret has evidence that criminal offences are being swept under the carpet, but nothing is being done.
A lay judge—known as a jurat—called John le Breton has been allowed to sit as a jurat, even though he was vice-principal of Victoria college when he wrote to the governors in support of Andrew Jervis-Dykes, who ended up getting a jail sentence. Mr le Breton was appointed to judge on a case even though he is a personal friend of a director of the defendant—this is a defamation case where the local politician, Trevor Pitman, has been taking legal action against the local newspaper. The end result in Jersey is that part of these events has been struck from the state’s version of Hansard, and the culture of cover-up continues. Jersey is an independent country, but the UK Government have a responsibility for ensuring good governance in Jersey. The UK is not doing its job properly.
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